FRIENDS and FAMILY of AZ PRISONERS: Please contact me, Peggy Plews, at 480-580-6807 or prisonabolitionist@gmail.com if you are troubled by negligent health or mental health care or have disturbing conditions of confinement to report about the AZ Department of Corrections or any of the county jails. Please persist if you can't reach me right away - I'm swamped, but if I can help you, I will. If I can't help, I will at least bear witness to your loved one's struggle, and share what they wish for me to share with the world. Prisoners can write to me directly at: PO Box 20494, Phoenix, AZ 85036

GROSS NEGLECT and ABUSE at the Arizona Department of Corrections

GROSS NEGLECT and ABUSE at the Arizona Department of Corrections
SUING ARIZONA: Prison Law Office's "Demand Letter" to ADC Director CHUCK RYAN - Enumeration of civil rights violations, abuses, and neglect of prisoners in the AZ Department of Corrections under the administrations of Ryan and Governor Jan Brewer. Promises a class action suit if they don't shape up and treat people right. YEAH!!!
ANNOUNCEMENTS / UPCOMING EVENTS

SATURDAYS 5pm at CONSPIRE: Phoenix May Day Action Committee

SATURDAYS 5pm at CONSPIRE: Phoenix May Day Action Committee
JOIN THE ACTIONS! Hit the facebook site for updates on meeting times/places.

Wednesday, March 21, 10am: AZ Peace Officer Standards and Training Board

Wednesday, March 21, 10am: AZ Peace Officer Standards and Training Board
Come to the meeting of the AZPOST Board, where they discuss the revocation of certifications for police and corrections officers across the state ( AZPOST 2643 East University Phoenix, AZ 85034)

THURSDAY March 15: 3-6pm FORECLOSE on Bank of America

THURSDAY March 15: 3-6pm FORECLOSE on Bank of America
Bank of America Building at Thomas and Central, PHOENIX

Thursday, March 22, 6:30pm: Community Forum on Medical Neglect in AZ State Prisons

Public forum to discuss the numerous concerns about the medical and mental health care and neglect of prisoners in the Arizona Department of Corrections.

Maryvale Community Center Auditorium
4420 N. 51st Ave.
Phoenix, AZ 85031

Hosted by the ACLU-AZ, David's Hope, the AZ Center for Disability Law, and Arizona Prison Watch.

Saturday, April 14, 6-8pm: Rythm Room (1019 E. Indian School Road)

Saturday, April 14, 6-8pm: Rythm Room (1019 E. Indian School Road)
ACLU Benefit Concert with the Repeat Offenders
BLOG POSTS

Friday, March 16, 2012

ASPC-Eyman Deaths in Custody: Nolan Pierce, 23.

Our condolences go out to this man's survivors, and all whose hearts may have sunk, as mine did, at the news of yet another homicide in the state prisons. Please feel free to contact me if I can be of any support (Peggy Plews / 480-580-6807 or prisonabolitionist@gmail.com).

Everyone else with a loved one still alive in Arizona's state prisons: tell your people they need to stop killing themselves and each other , and have them write to me (PO Box 20494, Phoenix 85036) if they're struggling to make it through their sentence because they think they'll be hit next. I swear I'm doing everything I can to get help in there to them, and to get Chuck Ryan out. If they're ordered to hurt someone else in order to stay alive, tell them to stand down and PC up and contact me immediately instead - no more of these senseless deaths, people, please. Even horrible, hardened criminals have turned their lives around and done good for their communities - there's a world of possible miracles that await us, if we can survive long enough to realize them...





If anyone has any information about how this fellow died, I'd appreciate hearing from you, too. We can't count on the Az Department of Corrections to give us the straight scoop.

Hate Crimes in AZ Prisons: Where is the FBI?


 "Dana Seawright was deeply loved..."
Phoenix office of the FBI
February 2012
 
 
A little over a month ago I chalked the PHOENIX FBI's old sidewalk on Indianola and sent their agent in charge this letter, along with the complete AZ Department of Corrections file on the homicide of prisoner Dana Seawright. In that file are two eyewitness statements identifying who ordered the hit on him, and one hand-written detailed account of his murder by a fellow prisoner who put his life on the line to identify the actual perpetrators  just to clear his conscience. 

I have yet to receive a reply to this letter; perhaps they are still settling into their new building. A hate crime is a hate crime is a hate crime, though, no matter whether it happens in the free world or in prison - for all we know now, Dana's  killers are already back on the loose. When state and local law enforcement are ill-equipped or refuse to address such crimes - as is clearly the case in Arizona, where hate festers and those who harbor it flourish - it should become the job of the FBI. The least they can do is let us know whether or not they received my challenge and are up to it...this young man's mother is waiting.

 from the AZ Department of Corrections' Criminal Investigations Unit

-------------------


February 9, 2012

James L. Turgal, Special Agent in Charge

Federal Bureau of Investigation - PHX
21711 N. 7th Street
Phoenix, AZ 85024-5118

Dear Agent Turgal,


I’m a local prisoner rights’ activist and blogger who spends  a considerable amount of time working with the survivors of prison homicide and suicide. We need your help. On July 3, 2010,
Dana Seawright - a state prisoner at ASPC-Lewis in Buckeye, AZ - was beaten down by the West Side City Crips in what was clearly a gang-related hate crime, both of which would seem to fall under your purview:

http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/investigate/civilrights/hate_crimes

http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/investigate/vc_majorthefts/gangs


Dana
’s homicide is a cold case at the Arizona Department of Corrections now - it was never investigated beyond their own Criminal Investigations Unit, even though their investigation pointed to the criminal complicity of ADC guards in his beating, and consequently in his death. His mother wrote to your office in November asking you to open his case (copy enclosed), and recently received a letter in reply that the FBI is refusing to do so.

I can’t recall the rationale at the moment - just that I found it unacceptable. Therefore, I’m writing to ask that you reconsider that decision. If your own determination is also a denial of jurisdiction or responsibility, then I ask that you please kick it up to the next level. I‘ll keep going with this as far as I need to - I‘ve already taken the issue to my
local cops and courthouse (see my enclosed letter), the DOJ’s Special Litigation office, and a state legislator, and Dana’s mother has been cc’ing her US Senators and US Representative on the matter. Her son’s murder can and should be solved - especially before his killers are unleashed again on the rest of us, if they haven’t already been (enclosed is a zip drive with the ADC’s complete CIU files on Dana‘s homicide).

Dana
was murdered for being black and having a Mexican lover, according to the narrative written by the AZ Department of Corrections. I don’t know how that could not be a hate crime. He had apparently been targeted when in prison previously because of having a homosexual relationship outside of his race, according to a former prisoner. That former prisoner wrote the enclosed letter to Dana’s mother identifying who he thought was behind his murder was (she wouldn‘t tell the ADC who that prisoner was at the time for fear he would be killed, too. He is now on parole and is willing to talk.). It was the ADC investigators who uncovered the reasons that Dana was attacked, however. They even told her that “if it’s any condolence, they didn’t mean to kill him. They just meant to teach him a lesson.”

The lesson, presumably, was not to get involved in relationships (he wasn’t just having sex with them, which is more acceptable, I guess) with guys outside of his race.
Dana was killed for who he loved, not for who he hated, hurt or feared, as is so often the case in prison.

How a criminal investigator can discover the motive for a murder with enough certainty to relay it to the victim’s mother and yet not know the identity of the killers is kind of hard to believe. I don‘t believe it at all, actually. I also don’t understand why the guards involved weren’t even disciplined, much less prosecuted, when Kini’s attorney found evidence of their complicity in the ADC’s own CIU records (see the enclosed civil complaint - the case is still in litigation). Maybe they would lead investigators further up the chain of command.


I have discovered evidence in state documents - CIU reports of homicides and suicides - that at least two deaths with eyewitnesses identifying homicide suspects in the case were simply not investigated further and were instead classified as something else (one as a suicide, one an accidental death). One - the
homicide of Pete Calleros - was particularly disturbing because the witnesses served as lookouts for the gang that killed him. One of the suspects was already released and has a warrant. I recently heard from Pete’s family that the state indeed told them he had killed himself - never disclosing the information about the witnesses. They suspected at the time he was murdered, though, and had their own autopsy done, showing that he resisted being choked to death. I think they will be happy to help in any investigation into ADC’s CIU itself.

Furthermore, a former ADC officer by the name of
Gary Bullock has blown the whistle on the ADC’s CIU staff, lodging several formal complaints about how they concealed information and avoided assigning responsibility in the death of Brenda Todd last year because of conflicts of interest. It appears the CIU has little oversight, and can‘t even be trusted by their own people.

In any case, that’s why I’m asking the FBI to intervene here - the state can’t be trusted to investigate itself in this matter - in fact, the Attorney General’s office is defending the ADC and staff against
Dana’s mother in her civil suit. We’re also talking about a gang-related hate crime perpetrated against a US citizen who was inadequately protected by this state in the first place. I don’t care that prisoners aren’t considered “victims” under our state constitution - this man and his family were criminally victimized because of race and sexual orientation, and I expect the feds to step up and confront what’s happening in the state prisons here - beginning with the execution of Dana Seawright.

Dana
’s mother lives with me, so I see her suffering every day that this remains unattended to, and will not relent on demanding a federal investigation until it is. I’m also getting a lot of mail from queer prisoners these days begging for protection from hate crimes by other prisoners, and not getting it from the ADC despite being victims of repeated assaults. The living need your help, too, and re-opening Dana‘s homicide with some emphasis on his civil rights might help other queer prisoners now.

I will be awaiting your reply. Unless you indicate that it contains privileged material, it will be posted to my blogs along with this letter…which means a lot of people are awaiting your reply, actually. They’ve been following this mother’s efforts to get justice for awhile now.


Thank you for your time and attention.


Sincerely,


Margaret Jean Plews


Cc:


Ms. Kini
Seawright
Amy Wallace, Esq.
US Senator John Kyl
US Senator John McCain
US Representative Ed Pastor
AZ Representative Cecil Ash
US DOJ - Civil Rights Division
NAACP, Maricopa County
Wendy Halloran, KPNX / Channel 12 News
Stephen Lemons, Phoenix New Times

Wednesday, March 14, 2012

6th Amendment under attack: Stand up, FIGHT BACK!

I just spent my day with a woman who was coerced into taking a plea on a crime she didn't commit or they would nail her to the wall for the one she actually did. She just did a little over two years for it. Her prosecutor clearly just wanted a moment of fame bragging about her conviction; true guilt or innocence seem to be irrelevant to those people, and I think it's high time we crash this system as well. People are losing their lives as it is anyway - we might as well do this strategically and take the real bad guys down with us when we go...the following excerpt from Alexander's essay sums up my feelings on this quite well:

"People should understand that simply exercising their rights would shake the foundations of our justice system which works only so long as we accept its terms. As you know, another brutal system of racial and social control once prevailed in this country, and it never would have ended if some people weren’t willing to risk their lives. It would be nice if reasoned argument would do, but as we’ve seen that’s just not the case. So maybe, just maybe, if we truly want to end this system, some of us will have to risk our lives.” 


 Resistance Alley, Phoenix
June Artwalk 2011



 -------------from the NEW YORK TIMES  -------------

GO TO TRIAL: CRASH THE JUSTICE SYSTEM (Opinion)
By MICHELLE ALEXANDER 
March 10, 2012
Fifteen years after her first arrest, Susan was finally admitted to a private drug treatment facility and given a job. After she was clean she dedicated her life to making sure no other woman would suffer what she had been through. Susan now runs five safe homes for formerly incarcerated women in Los Angeles. Her organization, A New Way of Life, supplies a lifeline for women released from prison. But it does much more: it is also helping to start a movement. With groups like All of Us or None, it is organizing formerly incarcerated people and encouraging them to demand restoration of their basic civil and human rights.
I was stunned by Susan’s question about plea bargains because she — of all people — knows the risks involved in forcing prosecutors to make cases against people who have been charged with crimes. Could she be serious about organizing people, on a large scale, to refuse to plea-bargain when charged with a crime? 

“Yes, I’m serious,” she flatly replied. 

I launched, predictably, into a lecture about what prosecutors would do to people if they actually tried to stand up for their rights. The Bill of Rights guarantees the accused basic safeguards, including the right to be informed of charges against them, to an impartial, fair and speedy jury trial, to cross-examine witnesses and to the assistance of counsel. 

But in this era of mass incarceration — when our nation’s prison population has quintupled in a few decades partly as a result of the war on drugs and the “get tough” movement — these rights are, for the overwhelming majority of people hauled into courtrooms across America, theoretical. More than 90 percent of criminal cases are never tried before a jury. Most people charged with crimes forfeit their constitutional rights and plead guilty. 

“The truth is that government officials have deliberately engineered the system to assure that the jury trial system established by the Constitution is seldom used,” said Timothy Lynch, director of the criminal justice project at the libertarian Cato Institute. In other words: the system is rigged. 

In the race to incarcerate, politicians champion stiff sentences for nearly all crimes, including harsh mandatory minimum sentences and three-strikes laws; the result is a dramatic power shift, from judges to prosecutors.
The Supreme Court ruled in 1978 that threatening someone with life imprisonment for a minor crime in an effort to induce him to forfeit a jury trial did not violate his Sixth Amendment right to trial. Thirteen years later, in Harmelin v. Michigan, the court ruled that life imprisonment for a first-time drug offense did not violate the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment. 

No wonder, then, that most people waive their rights. Take the case of Erma Faye Stewart, a single African-American mother of two who was arrested at age 30 in a drug sweep in Hearne, Tex., in 2000. In jail, with no one to care for her two young children, she began to panic. Though she maintained her innocence, her court-appointed lawyer told her to plead guilty, since the prosecutor offered probation. Ms. Stewart spent a month in jail, and then relented to a plea. She was sentenced to 10 years’ probation and ordered to pay a $1,000 fine. Then her real punishment began: upon her release, Ms. Stewart was saddled with a felony record; she was destitute, barred from food stamps and evicted from public housing. Once they were homeless, Ms. Stewart’s children were taken away and placed in foster care. In the end, she lost everything even though she took the deal. 

On the phone, Susan said she knew exactly what was involved in asking people who have been charged with crimes to reject plea bargains, and press for trial. “Believe me, I know. I’m asking what we can do. Can we crash the system just by exercising our rights?” 

The answer is yes. The system of mass incarceration depends almost entirely on the cooperation of those it seeks to control. If everyone charged with crimes suddenly exercised his constitutional rights, there would not be enough judges, lawyers or prison cells to deal with the ensuing tsunami of litigation. Not everyone would have to join for the revolt to have an impact; as the legal scholar Angela J. Davis noted, “if the number of people exercising their trial rights suddenly doubled or tripled in some jurisdictions, it would create chaos.” 

Such chaos would force mass incarceration to the top of the agenda for politicians and policy makers, leaving them only two viable options: sharply scale back the number of criminal cases filed (for drug possession, for example) or amend the Constitution (or eviscerate it by judicial “emergency” fiat). Either action would create a crisis and the system would crash — it could no longer function as it had before. Mass protest would force a public conversation that, to date, we have been content to avoid. 

In telling Susan that she was right, I found myself uneasy. “As a mother myself, I don’t think there’s anything I wouldn’t plead guilty to if a prosecutor told me that accepting a plea was the only way to get home to my children,” I said. “I truly can’t imagine risking life imprisonment, so how can I urge others to take that risk — even if it would send shock waves through a fundamentally immoral and unjust system?” 

Susan, silent for a while, replied: “I’m not saying we should do it. I’m saying we ought to know that it’s an option. People should understand that simply exercising their rights would shake the foundations of our justice system which works only so long as we accept its terms. As you know, another brutal system of racial and social control once prevailed in this country, and it never would have ended if some people weren’t willing to risk their lives. It would be nice if reasoned argument would do, but as we’ve seen that’s just not the case. So maybe, just maybe, if we truly want to end this system, some of us will have to risk our lives.” 

Michelle Alexander is the author of “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.”

The Twitter Resistance: NY City Subpoenas Occupiers records.

The mighty 1% is a little scared, people - 

That should tell you that we're on to something!

"I'M HERE, AND  I'M MAD..."
 Occupying Phoenix...
(October 2011)

------------from IN THESE TIMES------------

 
IN THESE TIMES
Tuesday Mar 13, 2012 
8:48 am / Updated 5:23PM

Several stories in the news this week – and it's only Tuesday – reveal the scope of the spying and surveillance activities of the NYPD and DA's office, who are monitoring Occupy Wall Street.

Taken individually, these stories may not seem earth-shattering. Yes, the NYPD was monitoring Occupy, but the NYPD is sort of legendary for its overzealous spy and harassment programs (just ask any Muslim New Yorker or victim of the Stop and Frisk policy). But examined together, it becomes clear that the NYPD and District Attorney's office are devoting enormous resources to spying, harassing, and intimidating what has thus far proven itself to be an overwhelmingly peaceful protest group.

Kira Moyer-Sims told her story of police harassment to the New York Times. On Nov. 17, Moyer-Sims was near the Manhattan Bridge, buying coffee while her friends waited in a nearby car. The fact that she was more than a dozen blocks away from an Occupy Wall Street protest didn't stop police officers from surrounding her and the people in the car. All four were arrested and taken to a police facility in the East Village where, according to their lawyer, Vik Pawar, they were strip-searched and had their requests for a lawyer ignored.

"I felt like I had been arrested for a thought crime," Moyer-Sims told the Times.

Pawar said the police charged Moyer Sims, Angela Richino and Matthew Vrvilo with obstructing government administration, though the DA's office declined to prosecute them.

Reporter Colin Moynihan goes on to recap how over the past few months, according to protest organizers, police officers or detectives have been posted outside buildings where private meetings were taking place, have visited the homes of organizers, and have questioned protesters arrested on minor charges.

“The N.Y.P.D. surveillance does not appear to be limited to unlawful activity,” said Donna Lieberman, the executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union. “We count on the police, of course, to be on the lookout for terrorists and terrorism, but to think you could be on that continuum just by going to a peaceful protest is nuts.”

One of the examples of harassment in the article is an allegation from an OWS organizer named Sandy Nurse, who arrived at her apartment building in Bushwick Dec. 16 to find uniformed officers outside. The officers told Nurse they were there to conduct a "security check" for a condition they would not identify.

Nurse told them they could not enter, but an officer nonetheless used his foot to prevent the front door from closing behind her, followed her into the entryway vestibule, and threatened to arrest her for obstruction of government administration. Nurse does not see this visit as a coincidence, but rather directly tied to her activities with Occupy.

“It means that they are watching us,” she told the Times. “They know who we are, where we live and where we are organizing.”


Prosecutors have been busy this week subpoenaing the Twitter records of a previously arrested Occupy Wall Street protester, Jeff Rae, whose tweets I've referenced many times in this blog. Yesterday, Rae tweeted "URGENT: The District Attorney in NY has subpoenaed my twitter account," and linked to an image of the notice from Twitter that reads:

Dear Twitter User:

We are writing to inform you that Twitter has received legal process, dated March 8, 2012, requesting information regarding your Twitter account, @jeffrae. A copy of the legal process is attached. The legal process requires Twitter to produce documents related to your account. 

Please be advised that Twitter will respond to this request in 7 days from the date of this notice unless we receive notice from you that a motion to quash the legal process has been filed or that this matter has been otherwise resolved.
To respond to this notice, please reply directly to this email.
This notice is not legal advice. You may wish to consult legal counsel about this matter.
Sincerely,
Twitter Legal

Attached below is a copy of the DA's subpoena that reveals Rae is one of five total accounts subpoenaed.

In October, Rae was arrested during the mass protest on the Brooklyn Bridge.

While it's not yet clear who the other four Occupy defendants are, in January prosecutors filed a similar subpoena against Malcolm Harris, another arrested protester.

"I was a little bit blown away," Rae told Reuters. "It's interesting that in places like Egypt our leaders applaud people for using Twitter and social media for their movements. Here, I'm being subpoenaed for using social media."

Rae says his attorney, Paul Mills of the National Lawyers Guild, would file a motion to quash.

Martin Stolar, a NLG lawyer representing Harris, filed a motion to quash as well, but that motion is still pending.

What's most outrageous about these subpoenas is that prosecutors haven't revealed why they're collecting these tweets or what evidence they hope to gain from rifling through them. In the meantime, the collective effect on the Occupy community is a chilling one. Obviously, being told by the DA's office that you're being treated as an effective suspect in an unknown crime is intimidating. 

In speaking with Occupiers, it's clear many protesters operate under the assumption that the police are always watching them, and that everything they say and put on the internet is probably being monitored. The psychological toll is great. And again, these are largely peaceful protesters who have done nothing except dare to attempt to exercise their First Amendment rights. If prosecutors or police know of some plotting crime cell, then they should make that information public, but if they're investigating future crimes, or "thought crimes," then what they're doing is tantamount to systematic harassment.

---
Update: Rae expressed to me surprise and alarm that his Twitter account had been subpoenaed by the DA's office.

"The subpoena for my tweets is stemming from my arrest on the Brooklyn Bridge along with 700 other people on October 1, 2011. That said the DA is asking for a month and a half worth of tweets,"  Rae wrote, adding "I'm not sure why the DA has targeted me except for the fact that I was part of Occupy since day 1 and was very vocal reporting what was going on there on Twitter."

Rae mentioned that, yes, tweets are public, but "I do feel that when the government is going to go through people's twitter accounts it can have a chilling effect on freedom of speech."

Jeff Rae's Twitter notice and DA subpoena: Twitter Subpoena

Restoration of Civil Rights for AZ Felons.


How to restore your civil rights after finishing your felony sentence.

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 11, 2012



Tuesday, March 13, 2012

Katrina revisited: judgment against sheriff reversed.

This is both an astonishing story and significant case, so I'm reprinting it all here. These guys were falsely imprisoned in Orleans Parish following Hurricane Katrina, and it looks like the whole bunch of folks responsible for it are getting off scott free. For how they treated all their prisoners, the sheriff and his people should really be strung up. This goes to show how incredibly hard it is to hold state actors accountable for gross negligence and abuse - hell, even when they commit atrocities, like what prison guards did to Marcia Powell in Arizona, it's hard to get anyone fired, much less prosecuted or sued...

--------------

WAGANFEALD v. GUSMAN

ROBIE J. WAGANFEALD; PAUL W. KUNKEL, JR., Plaintiffs-Appellees, v. MARLIN N. GUSMAN, Orleans Parish Criminal Sheriff; WILLIAM C. HUNTER, OPCSO Chief Deputy, Defendants-Appellants.

No. 11-30081.

United States Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit.

Filed March 12, 2012.

Before: KING, JOLLY, and WIENER, Circuit Judges.



WIENER, Circuit Judge.
Plaintiffs-Appellees Robie J. Waganfeald and Paul W. Kunkel, Jr. (collectively, "Appellees") filed this action against several defendants, including Defendants-Appellants Marlin N. Gusman, Orleans Parish Criminal Sheriff, and William C. Hunter, Orleans Parish Criminal Sheriff's Office Chief Deputy (collectively, "Appellants"), under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 for violations of their Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendment rights. The Appellees also brought a false imprisonment claim against the Appellants under Louisiana law. Appellees' claims arise out of their incarceration in New Orleans at and around the time that Hurricane Katrina struck the city. After trial, a jury found that Appellants were not liable for some of those claims, but (1) held Gusman liable for falsely imprisoning Appellees, and (2) held Hunter liable for denying Appellees' purported Sixth Amendment right to use a telephone following their arrest. We reverse the jury's verdict as to both claims for which Appellants were held liable.
I. Facts & Proceedings
A. Facts
The facts of this case are largely undisputed. On the evening of Friday, August 26, 2005, Appellees, traveling by car from Houston, Texas to Toledo, Ohio, stopped for the night in New Orleans. They checked into a hotel, then proceeded to the French Quarter, some time after 1:00 a.m. on the morning of August 27, and remained there for approximately four hours, consuming several beers each. At approximately 5:00 a.m., two New Orleans police officers placed Appellees under arrest for public intoxication under New Orleans Municipal Code § 54-405. Appellees assert that they were not intoxicated when the arrests took place, but instead that Kunkel fell to the ground when his bad knee gave out as he stepped off a curb, and that Waganfeald was attempting to help Kunkel to his feet.
At the time of the arrests, Hurricane Katrina was in the Gulf of Mexico and was estimated to make landfall on Monday morning. For several days prior to Katrina's estimated landfall, Gusman and his staff prepared the Orleans Parish Prison ("OPP") to weather the storm with all staff and all prisoners-an average daily population of 5,800-remaining inside the complex. At that time, OPP comprised eleven main facilities which held inmates, as well as ancillary buildings. In the event of serious flooding, Gusman's plan called for staff and prisoners to "vertically evacuate" to the upper floors of the OPP facilities. On the morning of Sunday, August 28, a mandatory evacuation order was issued for residents of New Orleans, but that order did not apply to OPP staff and prisoners.
Appellees' arresting officers took them to the Intake and Processing Center ("IPC") at OPP, at which point Appellees' money, valuables, and cell phones were confiscated. Appellees were not given an opportunity to make bail, but instead were placed in the Templeman III facility at OPP, which could house as many as 1,200 pre-trial detainees. At the time, Gusman was in charge of OPP, Hunter directed prison operations, and Warden Gary Bordelon oversaw Templeman III.
Normally, a number of telephones-both free and collect-were available for inmate use in the IPC. Collect telephones were also available in the Templeman III building. For security reasons, cell phones were not allowed in the prison complex. After being booked, Appellees attempted to make phone calls using the IPC telephones, but soon discovered that they were not working. That Saturday, Hunter, who was responsible for the phone system, became aware that all of the telephones at OPP were inoperable. Hunter instructed the telephone supervisor, Donald Hancock, to report to the prison. Hancock examined the system that day and determined that the telephone service provider's lines were overloaded. Because the problem was not with the OPP telephones themselves, prison officials were unable to remedy the problem. Hancock reported his findings to Hunter at some point that weekend. Sheriff Gusman testified that he was not made aware of the problem with the phones. Gusman further testified that, in theory, he or Hunter could have allowed the inmates to use their cell phones, but Gusman emphasized that prison policy forbids cell phone use (even by most deputies) because of security risks. OPP phones remained inoperable throughout the weekend, and Appellees were unable to make any phone calls during that time.
After being booked, Appellees were placed in separate cells in Templeman III, where they remained as Hurricane Katrina approached and then hit New Orleans at approximately 6:00 AM on Monday, August 29, 2005. Initially, OPP officials believed that the complex had weathered the storm unscathed. After the levees were breached and the city flooded, however, the prison's generators stopped working, and its water and food supplies were contaminated. As floodwater entered the Templeman III building, officers evacuated inmates to higher floors. Appellees experienced insufferable conditions as the water rose in their cells. Kunkel was locked in his cell until Wednesday evening; Waganfeald was moved to a miniature gymnasium within OPP. Both Kunkel and Waganfeald went without food and water for approximately three days. The temperature was very high; there was no air circulation; the toilets did not flush. In the midst of this chaos, Appellees believed that the prison guards had abandoned them, and they had no way of making contact with the outside world. Both men believed that they might die.
Appellees were finally moved from OPP on Wednesday, August 31, but this did not mark the end of their ordeals. They were taken by boat to a highway overpass, where they, along with thousands of other inmates, continued to endure heat, hunger, and thirst. Appellees were then placed on buses and transported out of New Orleans. For about a month, Kunkel endured further deplorable conditions, first at Louisiana's Hunt Correctional Institute, and then at the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, before being released on October 3, 2005. Waganfeald was taken to Cathoula Parish Prison and was released on October 5, 2005. Other than an eye infection for which Kunkel received treatment at Angola, Appellees did not suffer physical injuries, but both men have reported psychological trauma as a result of these experiences.
B. Proceedings
Appellees filed suit on August 28, 2006, asserting claims under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 for violations of, inter alia, the Fourth Amendment (based on their allegedly unlawful detention), the Sixth Amendment (based on their inability to contact counsel by telephone), and the Eighth Amendment (based on their conditions of confinement). Their complaint also asserted claims for false imprisonment under Louisiana law. The named defendants included Gusman, individually and in his official capacity as Criminal Sheriff of Orleans Parish; Hunter, individually and in his official capacity as Chief Deputy Criminal Sheriff of Orleans Parish; Bordelon, individually and in his official capacity as Warden of the Templeman III jail facility; various officers of the New Orleans Police Department; the City of New Orleans; and Mayor C. Ray Nagin.
Appellees proceeded to trial against Gusman, Hunter, and Bordelon. On October 14, 2010, the jury found Gusman liable for false imprisonment and awarded compensatory damages of $200,000 to Waganfeald and $259,300 to Kunkel. The jury found, however, that Gusman was not liable for the Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendment claims. The jury also rejected the claims against Gusman in this official capacity, finding that his official policies were not the moving force behind any violation of Appellees' constitutional rights. Additionally, the jury found Hunter liable for violating the Appellees' Sixth Amendment right to counsel, denied qualified immunity to Hunter, and awarded each Appellee $100,000 for these violations. The jury rejected the remaining claims against Hunter, and it exonerated Bordelon on all claims. The district court then entered judgment later that month.
At the close of Appellees' case and at the close of evidence, Appellants orally moved for judgment as a matter of law. The district court denied each motion. After the jury verdict was announced, Appellants moved for judgment as a matter of law, or, in the alternative, a new trial. The district court denied both motions, and Appellants timely appealed.
II. Standard of Review
With regard to issues that were preserved in the district court, we review its denial of judgment as a matter of law de novo, applying the same standard as the district court.1 Judgment as a matter of law is proper "[i]f a party has been fully heard on an issue during a jury trial and the court finds that a reasonable jury would not have a legally sufficient evidentiary basis to find for the party on that issue[.]"2 "[W]e will uphold a jury verdict unless the facts and inferences point so strongly and so overwhelmingly in favor of one party that reasonable men could not arrive at any verdict to the contrary."3 Further, we must review the evidence in the light most favorable to the jury's determination, and we may not reweigh the evidence or substitute the jury's reasonable factual inferences for our own.4
III. False Imprisonment Claim Against Gusman
The jury rejected all claims against Gusman relating to Appellees' conditions of confinement and their inability to make telephone calls. The jury found Gusman liable for false imprisonment, however, which under Louisiana law consists of two elements: "(1) detention of the person; and (2) the unlawfulness of the detention."5 It is undisputed that Gusman detained the Appellees, and thus, the question at issue is whether that detention was unlawful.
The only basis urged by Appellees that their detention was unlawful is Gusman's failure to release them when they were not granted a probable cause determination within 48 hours after their arrest. Under Louisiana law, a person who is arrested and in custody is "entitled to a determination of probable cause within forty-eight hours of arrest."6 If such a determination is not timely made, "the arrested person shall be released on his own recognizance."7 This statute tracks the United States Supreme Court's decision in County of Riverside v. McLaughlin,8 in which the Court held that a probable cause determination must generally be made within 48 hours to comply with the Fourth Amendment.9 As Appellees were arrested at approximately 5:00 a.m. on Saturday, August 27, 2005, this 48-hour period expired at 5:00 a.m. on Monday, August 29-just as Hurricane Katrina struck the Gulf Coast. Appellees had received no probable cause determination as of that Monday morning, but Gusman continued to detain them.
Appellees insist that the 48-hour rule permits no exceptions, but the United States and Louisiana Supreme Courts have indicated otherwise. In Riverside, the United States Supreme Court stated that if a probable cause determination is not made within 48 hours, "the burden shifts to the government to demonstrate the existence of a bona fide emergency or other extraordinary circumstance."10 Likewise, interpreting the relevant state statute, the Louisiana Supreme Court stated in Louisiana v. Wallace:
In the absence of a bona fide emergency or other extreme circumstances, all persons arrested without a warrant for whom a probable cause determination is not made within 48 hours must be immediately released from custody on their own recognizance.11
This statement constitutes dicta, as Wallace did not involve an emergency, but it nonetheless demonstrates that the Louisiana Supreme Court recognizes an emergency exception to the 48-hour rule.12 Notably, the emergency exception in Wallace is worded almost identically to the same exception in Riverside, the decision that led to the creation of the Louisiana statute in the first place. It is therefore plain that both the federal and the Louisiana 48-hour rules contain an emergency exception. This aligns with common sense, because adopting Appellees' position that the 48-hour rule permits absolutely no exception could lead to any number of absurd consequences. Thus, in determining whether Appellees' detention was unlawful, we apply the emergency exception to the 48-hour requirement.
Gusman maintains that his detention of Appellees falls within this emergency exception. He also contends that he is immune from liability for false imprisonment under Louisiana's discretionary immunity statute.13 Appellees counter the latter point by claiming that Gusman waived his discretionary immunity defense in the trial court and cannot raise it on appeal. In particular, Appellees note that although Gusman raised discretionary immunity in his answer and in his post-verdict Rule 50(b) and Rule 59 motions, he failed to raise the issue in the pre-trial order or in his Rule 50(a) motion for judgment as a matter of law.14 Appellees themselves may have waived this waiver argument by failing to raise it in opposition to Gusman's Rule 50(b) motion,15 but we do not reach that issue, or the discretionary immunity argument at all. Rather, we reverse the jury's verdict on the simpler and more direct ground that Gusman's actions fall within the emergency exception to the 48-hour rule.16
The undisputed evidence in this case compels the conclusion that Hurricane Katrina was a bona fide emergency within the meaning of the emergency exception to the 48-hour rule. Indeed, if Katrina was not an emergency, it is difficult to imagine any set of facts that would fit that description. As the storm bore down on New Orleans, Gusman and his officers had to provide for the security and safety of approximately 5,800 of their own inmates, plus 130 more inmates who were transferred from St. Bernard Parish.17 The officers planned to evacuate inmates vertically in the Templeman III building to higher floors, if necessary. They also stockpiled food and water in the Templeman III building-on the first floor, unfortunately.
OPP initially survived the storm without flooding, but this changed rapidly after the levees were breached. The water rising on the first floor of Templeman III quickly reached waist level, the generator went out, and food and water supplies were contaminated. The electronic system for controlling the cell doors ceased to function, and officers had to open the doors manually, which-for some cells on the first floor-required the officers to dive into the water to manipulate the locking mechanism. The temperature grew very hot, and the officers allowed the inmates to break windows for purposes of air ventilation. The officers worked for many hours with inadequate food, water, and sleep. After the arduous process of evacuating the inmates was completed, the officers continued working to evacuate other individuals who were stranded in the neighborhood. In light of this clear emergency, we hold that the 48-hour rule was suspended. Consequently, Gusman did not falsely imprison the Appellees by holding them without a probable cause determination rather than releasing them into the teeth of the storm on the morning of August 29, 2005.
Appellees contend that they would not have received a probable cause determination within 48 hours of their arrest even in the absence of Hurricane Katrina, because the Municipal Courts did not operate on the weekends at that time. The jury, however, answered "No" to the following interrogatory:
Do you find by a preponderance of the evidence that Sheriff Marlin Gusman, in his capacity as the Criminal Sheriff of Orleans Parish, had a policy, practice, or custom of deliberate indifference to arrested individuals' right to have a probable cause determination made by an impartial judge or magistrate within 48 hours of an arrest made without a warrant that was the moving force behind a violation of [Appellees'] constitutional rights?
If Gusman had a general policy of detaining individuals beyond 48 hours without a probable cause hearing, even in the absence of an emergency, that interrogatory would have to have been answered in the affirmative. In that situation, the municipal policy would certainly have been "adopted with `deliberate indifference' to its known or obvious consequences."18 Further, the municipal policy would be the "`moving force' behind the constitutional violation,"19 as there would unquestionably have been a "direct causal link"20 between Gusman's policy and the violation of the 48-hour rule. But, as the jury answered "No," and Appellees have not appealed that factual finding, they cannot rely on Gusman's purported policy of violating the 48-hour rule even in non-emergency conditions.
Gusman's detention of Appellees was not unlawful because his actions fell within the emergency exception to the 48-hour rule. Thus, we must reverse the district court's denial of Gusman's motion for judgment as a matter of law. We thus do not reach Gusman's additional argument that the jury's verdict was internally inconsistent.
IV. Sixth Amendment Claim Against Hunter
The jury found that Chief Deputy Hunter acted in a manner that was deliberately indifferent to Appellees' asserted Sixth Amendment right to use a telephone to contact "an attorney and/or family and friends" following their arrest. The jury also rejected Hunter's defense of qualified immunity. On appeal, Hunter contends that the district court erred by denying him qualified immunity because (1) there was no violation of Appellees' Sixth Amendment right to counsel because that right never attached, no "critical stage" of the proceedings was reached, and Hunter did not act intentionally; and (2) even if there were such a violation, it had not been clearly established that refusing to allow pre-trial detainees to use cell phones when land lines are disrupted in an emergency violates the Sixth Amendment.
"A public official is entitled to qualified immunity unless the plaintiff demonstrates that (1) the defendant violated the plaintiff's constitutional rights and (2) the defendant's actions were objectively unreasonable in light of clearly established law at the time of the violation."21 A defendant violates clearly established law only if "the contours of [the] right are sufficiently clear that every reasonable official would have understood that what he is doing violates that right."22 For a legal principle to be clearly established, "we must be able to point to controlling authority—or a robust consensus of persuasive authority—that defines the contours of the right in question with a high degree of particularity"23 and that places the statutory or constitutional question "beyond debate."24
When a defendant asserts qualified immunity, the plaintiff has the burden of proving that it is inapplicable.25 Qualified immunity should be adjudicated "at the earliest possible stage in litigation,"26 but "if the issue is not decided until trial the defense goes to the jury which must then determine the objective legal reasonableness of the officers' conduct."27 We have discretion to decide which prong of the qualified immunity analysis to address first.28
As a preliminary matter, Appellees contend that Hunter has waived qualified immunity. Hunter raised qualified immunity generally in his answer and proposed jury instructions, the district court instructed the jury on qualified immunity, and the jury found that Hunter's actions were not objectively reasonable in light of Appellees' constitutional rights. Hunter did not raise qualified immunity in his pre-verdict motions for judgment as a matter of law under Rule 50(a),29 but he did in his post-verdict motion for judgment as a matter of law under Rule 50(b). In response to Hunter's Rule 50(b) motion, Appellees did not counter that Hunter waived qualified immunity but instead responded to the merits of that issue. Thus, Appellees have waived their waiver argument.30
Appellees also contend that even if Hunter has not waived qualified immunity generally, he has waived his specific contentions that Appellees' Sixth Amendment right to counsel never attached and that no "critical stage" of the proceedings was reached. In lieu of addressing this specific waiver argument, we hold that even if Appellees had a Sixth Amendment right to counsel during the period in question, Hunter did not act in an objectively unreasonable manner in light of clearly established law, so the district court should have granted him judgment as a matter of law on qualified immunity.
There is no dispute that, during the period in question, telephones were made available to Appellees, but that it was not possible to place calls on these or any telephones at the facility. Donald Hancock, the telephone supervisor for the Orleans Parish Criminal Sheriff's Office, testified that on the Saturday before Hurricane Katrina made landfall, calls could not be placed from OPP because the telephone service provider's lines were overloaded. He testified further that because the problem was external, and the OPP telephones themselves were functioning properly, there was nothing he could have done to remedy the problem. Hancock timely reported his findings to Hunter and evacuated New Orleans that Sunday morning. When Hancock and Hunter spoke again later that day, Hunter asked Hancock to return and continue working on the phones, but Hancock again informed Hunter that the problem was external and that there was nothing he could do.
Appellees contend that in this situation, Hunter should have allowed them to use their cell phones to make calls. In accordance with standard procedures, Appellees' cell phones had been confiscated when they were booked into the prison. As noted, Gusman testified that inmates are not allowed to possess cell phones because that would pose a "security risk." He went on to explain that allowing the use of cell phones would impair prison officials' ability to record inmates' calls, which is important because "inmates either make threatening phone calls or try to continue their illegal activity while in jail." Gusman also stated that, for security reasons, even deputies are generally not allowed to carry cell phones while on duty. Gusman testified that he was completely unaware of the problems with the OPP telephone system during the period in question, but he acknowledged that Hunter would have had the authority to allow prisoners to use their cell phones.
There is no particularized, clearly established law which would have instructed Hunter that, under the Sixth Amendment, he had to allow pre-trial detainees to use their cell phones when land lines were disrupted. Appellees have pointed us to no such authority, and we have found none. To the contrary, we have ruled that prisoners have "no right to unlimited telephone use."31 Other courts have observed that "a prisoner's right to telephone access is subject to rational limitations in the face of legitimate security interests of the penal institution.'"32 As a general matter, "maintaining institutional security and preserving internal order and discipline are essential goals that may require limitation or retraction of the retained constitutional rights of both convicted prisoners and pretrial detainees."33 Thus, prison officials are "accorded wide-ranging deference in the adoption and execution of policies and practices that in their judgment are needed to preserve internal order and discipline and to maintain institutional security."34
In this case, Hunter faced the security risks that would generally follow from allowing prisoners to use cell phones, which were exacerbated by the emergency conditions that were present during the approach, landfall, and aftermath of Katrina. Inmates were unable to use the land-line telephones in the OPP not because of any action that Hunter took, but because of overloaded external lines, a situation beyond any control of law enforcement. Distributing cell phones to approximately 5,930 inmates, or even just the 1,200 pre-trial detainees in Templeman III, would have been a creative and potentially beneficial option, but it would also have added to prison officials' unprecedented logistical burden as well as the potential security risks. Before Hurricane Katrina struck, prison officials had no reason to assume that the telephone lines would be overloaded for a significant length of time; after the prison flooded, they were overwhelmed with more urgent emergency tasks. The unprecedented emergency conditions would also have made it very difficult if not impossible for any counsel that Appellees might have reached to provide meaningful assistance. We do not suggest (or deny) that there is a blanket emergency exception to the Sixth Amendment right to counsel. Rather, we hold only that in light of the security risks and unique emergency conditions he faced, Hunter did not act in an objectively unreasonable manner under clearly established law. The district court therefore erred by not granting Hunter qualified immunity as a matter of law.
V. Conclusion
There is no doubt that Appellees suffered terribly while held in custody after Hurricane Katrina struck New Orleans. It is equally clear, however, that (1) Gusman's failure to release Appellees falls within the emergency exception to the rule that a probable cause determination must be made within 48 hours, and (2) Hunter's failure to allow Appellees to use cell phones was not objectively unreasonable in light of any clearly established law. We therefore reverse and vacate the judgment of the district court, and remand with instructions to enter judgment in favor of Gusman and Hunter on all claims asserted by Appellees.
REVERSED, VACATED, and REMANDED WITH INSTRUCTIONS.

Footnotes


1. Julian v. City of Houston, 314 F.3d 721, 725 (5th Cir. 2002).
2. Fed. R. Civ. P. 50(a)(1).
3. Cousin v. Trans Union Corp., 246 F.3d 359, 366 (5th Cir. 2001).
4. Id.
5. Kennedy v. Sheriff of East Baton Rouge, 935 So.2d 669, 690 (La. 2006).
6. La. Code Crim. Proc. art. 230.2(A).
7. Id. art. 230.2(B)(1) (emphasis added).
8. 500 U.S. 44, 56 (1991).
9. See Louisiana v. Wallace, 25 So.3d 720, 723-24 (La. 2009) (Louisiana statute codified Riverside).
10. Id. at 57.
11. 25 So.3d at 727.
12. See Hulin v. Fibreboard Corp., 178 F.3d 316, 328 (5th Cir. 1999) ("A federal court has a duty to determine state law as it believes the State's highest court would.").
13. La. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 2798.1 ("Liability shall not be imposed on public entities or their officers or employees based upon the exercise or performance or the failure to exercise or perform their policymaking or discretionary acts when such acts are within the course and scope of their lawful powers and duties.").
14. See Maryland Cas. Co. v. Acceptance Indem. Ins. Co., 639 F.3d 701, 707-08 (5th Cir. 2011) (when a party fails to raise an issue in a Rule 50(a) motion, it waives the right to raise that issue in a Rule 50(b) motion).
15. See Thompson and Wallace of Memphis, Inc. v. Falconwood Corp., 100 F.3d 429, 435 (5th Cir. 1996) (holding that when the party opposing the Rule 50(b) motion "did not raise the waiver bar in opposing the [R]ule 50(b) motion, they may not raise that bar on appeal"); see also Ross v. Buckeye Cellulose Corp., 980 F.2d 648, 661 n.20 (11th Cir. 1993) (noting that even if the defendant waived a particular defense by failing to include it in the pre-trial order, the plaintiffs waived that waiver by failing to make the waiver argument in front of the district court); but see Scribner v. Dillard, 141 F. App'x 240, 243 (5th Cir. 2005) (unpublished) (holding that "waiver of waiver" per Thompson does not apply when defendants failed to raise defense, not only in Rule 50(a) motion, but at any time prior to the verdict; the defense was therefore considered waived).
16. The emergency exception presents no waiver issue: Gusman raised the exception in the pre-trial order, the district court instructed the jury on it, and Gusman presses the issue on appeal.
17. See La. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 15:706(c) ("The sheriff of the parish to which the prisoner is conveyed shall keep the prisoner safe and secure").
18. Snyder v. Trepagnier, 142 F.3d 791, 795 (5th Cir. 1998).
19. Id.
20. Piotrowski v. City of Houston, 237 F.3d 567, 580 (5th Cir. 2001).
21. Porter v. Epps, 659 F.3d 440, 445 (5th Cir. 2011).
22. Ashcroft v. al-Kidd, 131 S.Ct. 2074, 2083 (2011) (internal brackets and quotation marks omitted).
23. Morgan v. Swanson, 659 F.3d 359, 371-72 (5th Cir. 2011).
24. al-Kidd, 131 S.Ct. at 2083.
25. Atteberry v. Nocona General Hosp., 430 F.3d 245, 253 (5th Cir. 2005).
26. Id. (quoting Pearson v. Callahan, 555 U.S. 223, 232 (2009)).
27. McCoy v. Hernandez, 203 F.3d 371, 376 (5th Cir. 2000).
28. Morgan, 659 F.3d at 371 (citing Pearson v. Callahan, 555 U.S. 223, 236 (2009)).
29. FED. R. CIV. P. 50(a).
30. See Thompson and Wallace of Memphis, Inc. v. Falconwood Corp., 100 F.3d 429, 435 (5th Cir. 1996) (waiver of waiver).
31. Lopez v. Reyes, 692 F.2d 15, 17 (5th Cir. 1982).
32. Douglas v. Gusman, 567 F.Supp.2d 877, 886 (E.D.La. 2008) (quoting Washington v. Reno, 35 F.3d 1093, 1100 (6th Cir.1994)); see also Benzel v. Grammar, 869 F.2d 1105, 1108 (8th Cir. 1989) (same).
33. Bell v. Wolfish, 441 U.S. 520, 546 (1979).
34. Id. at 547; see also id. (security considerations "are peculiarly within the province and professional expertise of corrections officials, and, in the absence of substantial evidence in the record to indicate that the officials have exaggerated their response to these considerations, courts should ordinarily defer to their expert judgment in such matters.") (quoting Pell v. Procunier, 417 U.S. 817, 827 (1974)); Whitley v. Albers, 475 U.S. 312, 322 (1986) ("prophylactic" prison security measures are entitled to deference, even if there exist "arguably superior alternatives").